{"id":101394,"date":"2024-09-10T12:10:01","date_gmt":"2024-09-10T11:10:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.fondazionepirelli.org\/uncategorized\/ricostruire-la-fiducia\/"},"modified":"2024-09-12T11:19:52","modified_gmt":"2024-09-12T10:19:52","slug":"restoring-trust-in-institutions-and-democracy-the-challenge-for-a-more-open-and-competitive-europe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.fondazionepirelli.org\/en\/corporate-culture\/restoring-trust-in-institutions-and-democracy-the-challenge-for-a-more-open-and-competitive-europe\/","title":{"rendered":"Restoring trust in institutions and democracy: the challenge for a more open and competitive Europe"},"content":{"rendered":"

Confidence in public institutions<\/strong> is falling, not only when it comes to politics but also in the economy. This presents challenges<\/strong> for governments and markets, political parties, and social and cultural organisations, as well as schools and communities. It undermines our civil society. Moreover, and most worryingly, it severely impairs the connection between the younger generations and their future. It imperils the story we are writing and, crucially, it hinders our children and grandchildren from writing a more promising one.<\/p>\n

This warning comes from the OECD<\/strong> in its recent report, \u201cTrust Survey \u2014 2024 Results: Building Trust in a Complex Policy Environment\u201d (as reported in IlSole24ore<\/em>, 5 September). The report observes that 44% of respondents across the 30 countries participating in the study (including Italy for the first time) express little or no trust<\/strong> in public institutions<\/strong>, exceeding the 39% who claim to have a sufficient level of trust. In the US, the situation is even worse, with a mere 23% \u201cconfident\u201d respondents.<\/p>\n

The institutions that garner the highest levels of trust<\/strong> are law enforcement agencies<\/strong> (62.9%) and the judicial system<\/strong> (54.1%). Political parties are at the bottom of the scale with a trust level of 23.4%. International, as well as regional and local administrations, command a trust level of just over 40%. Meanwhile, national governments and parliaments fall slightly below this mark. The data must, of course, be interpreted with meticulous attention to the nuances between different countries, as well as to their unique historical and political circumstances. Nonetheless, a fundamental truth persists: the \u201cpact of trust<\/strong>\u201d that forms the foundation of representative democracies, guiding the relationship between leaders and citizens and underpinning the delegation of representation, is increasingly showing signs of strain. This is indicative of a wider crisis within liberal democracy and the ‘social contract’ that sustains it, which is rooted in the principles of freedom and widespread prosperity. There is an urgent need for swift and effective solutions to counteract the rise of authoritarian regimes\u00a0\u2013 the so-called \u201cdemokraturs\u201d, and \u201cilliberal democracies\u201d that dominate the global landscape\u00a0\u2013 that are competing with increasing ferocity and unscrupulousness.<\/p>\n

The issue has a profound impact on Europe<\/strong>, as well as the United States<\/strong>. The early November vote for the White House will reveal the extent of the crisis in political and institutional trust, and what responses can emerge from a robust and established democracy that serves as a global benchmark. Italian President Sergio Mattarella is quite right in raising the issue of an \u201cincomplete Europe\u201d that \u201ccould collapse\u201d, acknowledging the challenges that must be addressed, the reforms required (including for Italy to reduce its colossal public debt, which poses a threat to the nation’s stability and growth), and warding against the easy answers. Mattarella warns, \u201cIn the public consciousness, unfounded ideas are resurfacing that conjure up a future coloured by a longing for a past that has all too often brought tragedy upon us.\u201d The Italian Constitution remains a steadfast guide, while Mattarella also calls on young people to \u201cresist the allure of forgotten spectres that seek to return in new guises.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cMore Europe<\/strong>\u201d, is essentially Mattarella<\/strong>\u2019s thesis. And a better Europe, one that is capable of implementing reforms, making joint investments, and taking long-term decisions. We must focus on defending and revitalising the legacy of states and EU institutions that have uniquely managed to hold together democracy, the market, and social welfare, as well as freedom and innovation, economic growth and inclusivity, individual enterprise and social justice. It is a delicate equilibrium<\/strong>, and one that is currently experiencing serious tremors due to the rapid and profound impacts of environmental crises and technological changes (with the increasing proliferation of fake news as an ever-growing concern). To strengthen and renew this balance, we must embark on a decisive rebuilding of trust.<\/p>\n

The competitiveness report unveiled yesterday by Mario Draghi shows the crux of the matter, calling for radical changes. It cautions that if the EU can no longer provide \u201cprosperity, equity, freedom, peace and democracy in a sustainable environment […] it will have lost its reason for being\u201d. The report also highlights the need for substantial investments, equivalent to twice the scale of the Marshall Plan, in security, energy, defence, innovation (beginning with Artificial Intelligence), the environment, and education. It asserts that critical political decisions are imperative to maintain competitiveness with the United States and China.<\/p>\n

The new EU Commission, under the leadership of Ursula von der Leyen, has established the cornerstones of its political agenda with the Draghi Report and the report presented in July by Enrico Letta on the development of a truly efficient Single Market. These foundational elements will enable the Commission to rebuild the fabric of trust and, consequently, foster sustainable development<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

One summary well worth reviewing is Giovanni Maria Flick’s \u201cA Pact for the Future \u2014 From Survival to Coexistence\u201d [Un patto per il futuro \u2013 Dalla sopravvivenza alla convivenza<\/em>], published by IlSole24Ore. Flick, an Italian former Minister of Justice and President of the Constitutional Court, deploys his far-sighted acumen to expound on the decisions that need to be made in both Brussels and Rome. His aim is to steer clear of the \u201cpresentism\u201d trap, which is often exacerbated by the oversimplifications found on social media, and to embark on ambitious reforms. For Flick, the Constitution remains a crucial point of reference, and he emphasizes the importance of prioritizing the individual as a guiding principle, even when attempting to regulate technological advancements.<\/p>\n

We must be wary<\/strong> of the seizure of power by technological oligarchies that are detached from the values and practices of liberal democracies, which are manipulative and fundamentally authoritarian in nature (\u201cThe logic of a robot is merely a mirror of its controller\u201d\u00a0or of the writer of its underlying algorithm). Therefore, decisions and reforms need to be implemented without overlooking the significance and beneficial aspects of new technologies, including Artificial Intelligence<\/strong>, within the framework of democratic values, the efficacy and accountability of public institutions, and the duties of economic and social stakeholders. It is, indeed, a question of confidence\u00a0\u2013 and of revitalising a robust democracy.<\/p>

(photo Getty Images)<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Confidence in public institutions is falling, not only when it comes to politics but also in the economy. This presents challenges for governments and markets, political parties, and social and cultural organisations, as well as schools and communities. It undermines our civil society. 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