{"id":99370,"date":"2024-02-07T10:25:51","date_gmt":"2024-02-07T09:25:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.fondazionepirelli.org\/uncategorized\/litalian-touch-e-i-fattori-della-politica-industriale-innovazione-e-sostenibilita\/"},"modified":"2024-02-26T15:20:17","modified_gmt":"2024-02-26T14:20:17","slug":"the-italian-touch-and-the-factors-of-industrial-policy-innovation-sustainability","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.fondazionepirelli.org\/en\/corporate-culture\/the-italian-touch-and-the-factors-of-industrial-policy-innovation-sustainability\/","title":{"rendered":"The Italian Touch and the factors of industrial policy: innovation &#038; sustainability"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>What do we mean when we say we need an \u201c<strong>industrial policy<\/strong>\u201d? What are the political and economic categories that we need to refer to in order to offer a concrete response to the need to reinforce the <strong>competitiveness<\/strong> of the Italian system, in a world marked by the \u201cpolycrisis\u201d, the US-China conflict and the difficulties of Europe? In attempting to answer, we could start with a phrase circulating in the world of BMW in a year of record car sales, more than 2.5 million on international markets: the \u2018<strong>Italian Touch<\/strong>\u2019. It\u2019s a way of referring to beauty, elegance, design, but also cutting-edge technology and a tendency towards <strong>sustainability<\/strong> (<em>Il Foglio<\/em> wrote about it on 30 January, in a dialogue with the Chairman and CEO of BMW Italia, Massimiliano Di Silvestro).<\/p>\n<p>The fact that the \u2018Italian Touch\u2019 is a positive expression in Munich, in the headquarters of one of the most sophisticated and innovative car manufacturers, doesn\u2019t only imply celebrating a tribute to Italian brands like Giovanni Michelotto and Giorgetto Giugiaro, who collaborated with <strong>BMW<\/strong>\u2019s success from the 1960s to the 1980s, or confirming an appreciation for <strong>Italian automotive components<\/strong> (which contribute a good third to the value of a BMW on average). Above all, it means acknowledging Italian industry\u2019s winning tendency to maintain a combination of \u201cbeauty and the well made\u201d: quality, aesthetics, innovation and sustainability.<\/p>\n<p>The point is this: a \u2018Made in Italy\u2019 industrial policy must of necessity have strategic support for these four \u201cfactors\u201d of competitiveness as its foundation, rather than indicating specific sectors to receive the investment of public resources and fiscal support.<\/p>\n<p>In short, an industrial policy that helps Italy, in the context of effective EU industrial policy choices, should now insist on those factors capable of making our companies\u00a0\u2013 both Italian and European\u00a0\u2013 more <strong>competitive<\/strong>. That means that they\u2019ll be able to maintain a position on markets that are increasingly demanding and selective in the face of the power of US and Chinese businesses, and in certain sectors also Indian ones.<\/p>\n<p>An economist who is attentive to new competitive challenges, <strong>Daniel Gros<\/strong>, explains how the US economy is growing more than expected because it has been able to focus not so much on industry\u00a0\u2013 even if there\u2019s no shortage of measures from the White House that are clearly protectionist in nature\u00a0\u2013 but on new technologies above all. (This emerges in an interesting issue of the journal <em>Aspenia<\/em>, dedicated to America a year after the vote and entitled \u201cLa debolezza della potenza\u201d (the weakness of power), a cutting oxymoron inviting us to move past the current readings of this controversial season in America.) These new high technologies, starting with the spread of AI (Artificial Intelligence) and digital services, are factors that are radically changing production, work, consumption, lifestyles, knowledge and the environment: a genuine \u201cfourth industrial revolution\u201d, following the steam engine, electricity and the Internet.<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s the economy dominated by <strong>big tech\u00a0<\/strong>\u2013 Google, Amazon, Apple, Meta and Microsoft\u00a0\u2013 and Elon Musk\u2019s companies, with special attention to Generative Artificial Intelligence and the repercussions for research, culture, information and communication (with all the attendant ethical, social and political problems). It\u2019s the economy that lays waste to millions of jobs and creates others. It\u2019s the economy, in short, where the US\u2013China clash plays out and according to which new global balances are determined. (We should never lose sight of India, also in this respect.)<\/p>\n<p>And what about Europe? It\u2019s a big industrial player, the richest market in the world. It\u2019s at the heart of a system of values that so far have inspired an original and truly invaluable synthesis of liberal democracy, the market and welfare, and of freedom and social solidarity. But it\u2019s not a decisive political player\u00a0\u2013 it\u2019s still seeking a role and balance\u00a0\u2013 and in new technologies specifically, it\u2019s far behind the big players in the \u201cnew globalisation\u201d. Its recent system of rules, the Artificial Intelligence Act, has been given the green light by the European Commission, Parliament and Council, but it can\u2019t count on European companies of a size that can compete with the strength of the giants of American business.<\/p>\n<p>The EU therefore faces a choice on the horizon: how to maintain a combination of industrial strength and high-tech innovation and how to become more compact, unitary and effective, a global player at last\u00a0\u2013 and not a jar of clay among stronger vessels as usual. It\u2019s a radical challenge, which the new Parliament we elect in June and the new Commission will be called to answer (hoping for the defeat of nationalist, populist and sovereignist forces who consider Europe merely a market for balancing the local interests and advantages of countries, not as a political and cultural space for developing values and to propose as a paradigm of democracy in dialogue with the rest of the world).<\/p>\n<p>From this perspective, talking about European industrial policy (we wrote about it in last week\u2019s blog) means defining policies for energy, security and therefore defence, the supply of strategic raw materials, sustainability (and so also industry and agriculture, overcoming the limitations of the current CAP, the Common Agricultural Policy which is the object of unsettling protests by farmers). It also means defining the financial instruments to support it, from eurobonds to strengthening the EU budget and the rules and prospects of the new Stability and Growth Pact. It means a \u201ccompetitiveness strategy, but one that isn\u2019t at the expense of welfare and the green transition\u201d, in the words of Mario Draghi, who has been tasked with preparing a report on the issue by President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen.<\/p>\n<p>And what about Italy? The factors of competitiveness, in addition to the ones for Europe in general, are connected with the need to overcome the weaknesses in our industrial sector. First come measures to stimulate innovation, with tax benefits for those who invest, innovate, patent and work on the digital transition, according to the scheme of measures that were formerly Industry 4.0 and are now <strong>Industry 5.0<\/strong> (The PNRR represents \u20ac6.3 billion, to be spent well). Then there\u2019s the spread of applications connected with Artificial Intelligence and algorithms for both production processes and products. It\u2019s long-term work that also involves collaboration between business, universities and public and private research centres.<\/p>\n<p>The second industrial policy factor to invest in involves the <strong>environmental transition<\/strong>, overcoming the restrictions of regulatory and administrative constraints typical of bureaucracies, both European and national. A connection to issues of energy is essential, with the return of atomic energy, as is the choice of technological neutrality. For example, electric cars are one option, not everyone\u2019s destiny, leaving the option of using hydrogen, biofuels, etc. open.<\/p>\n<p>The third factor relates to the responses required to address the shortage of skilled workers with the necessary training strategies: from metallurgy to furniture, and from tourism to construction, in the North-West and North-East companies struggle to fill an average of 1 in 2 roles among those in demand (<em>Il Sole24Ore<\/em>, 29 January).<\/p>\n<p>We need long-term training, on the job but also characterised by positive relationships between companies, company academies and qualified training agents (universities, first and foremost). And also need to clarify a basic concept concerning the ever greater spread of Artificial Intelligence, which we mentioned: who writes the algorithms?<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s essential that the answer is connected with the features of Italian industry and its competitive capacity: its \u201c<strong>polytechnic culture<\/strong>\u201d that combines humanistic and scientific knowledge, a sense of beauty and technological quality, cutting-edge design and engineering. So the algorithms need to be written by engineers and cyber-scientists, economists and sociologists, physicists and statisticians, philosophers and jurists, people with a profound knowledge of technological issues but also sensitive to ethical questions: the complex wisdom of a changing world.<\/p>\n<p>The horizon of competitive transformation, and therefore industrial policy, is broad. Our horizon is the new Renaissance, but this horizon is anything but tranquil.<\/p><p><em>(Photo Getty Images)<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>What do we mean when we say we need an \u201cindustrial policy\u201d? What are the political and economic categories that we need to refer to in order to offer a concrete response to the need to reinforce the competitiveness of the Italian system, in a world marked by the \u201cpolycrisis\u201d, the US-China conflict and the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":99329,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[55,56],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-99370","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blog","category-corporate-culture"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v25.0 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>The Italian Touch and the factors of industrial policy: innovation &amp; sustainability - Fondazione Pirelli<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.fondazionepirelli.org\/en\/corporate-culture\/the-italian-touch-and-the-factors-of-industrial-policy-innovation-sustainability\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Italian Touch and the factors of industrial policy: innovation &amp; sustainability - Fondazione Pirelli\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"What do we mean when we say we need an \u201cindustrial policy\u201d? 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