The fresh pair of eyes of women for a Europe that pays more attention to people’s values and the soft power of civilised culture
‘Europe will be forged by crises and will be the sum of the solutions adopted for those crises’, said Jean Monnet, one of the fathers of European unity and High Commissioner for the Coal and Steel Community. It was from this institution that all the others, from the Common Market to the European Union, the European Parliament and the ECB and the euro, would later emerge, crisis after crisis. At a time when the EU is in danger of being crushed by the aggressive actions and confrontations of the world’s ‘great powers’ (primarily the US and China, but also Russia), it is worth remembering the figure of Monnet and the pragmatic yet visionary approach of the other heads of state and government who established Europe (Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman and Spaak, to name a few, followed by Mitterrand, Kohl, Delors and many more). This is precisely why we must not lose sight of the importance of a common policy on security and defence, energy, innovation, industry, scientific and technological research, and artificial intelligence. We have discussed this in recent blog posts, even speculating about the potential involvement of Mario Draghi.
But perhaps the response to the crisis and the opportunity to be seized are not only institutional, political, industrial and financial, although these are nonetheless essential. A cultural and social shift is also necessary, as with all true voyages of discovery.
Above all, we need a fresh pair of eyes. To rethink Europe, to find answers to the fractures and risks, to ‘mend’ the tears and improve the balance. We need the vision of women. And that of the younger generations.
Let’s try an unconventional approach that is different, but not an alternative, to the institutional one. We need to rebuild and relaunch strong values and ideas for a better future. Let’s start with a seemingly minor figure in the great history of Europe: Ursula Hirschmann.
She came from a wealthy German-Jewish family of great intellectual depth (her brother, Albert, would soon become one of Europe’s leading economists). Ursula found herself joining her husband, Eugenio Colorni, and two other anti-fascist friends, Altiero Spinelli, Ernesto Rossi and Rossi’s wife, Ada, in exile on the island of Ventotene. In those terrible final years of the 1930s, they were passionate about the idea of a new Europe.
Their discussions resulted in the ‘Ventotene Manifesto’, which had a significant impact, stimulating political awareness and the desire for change in the following years, right up to the present day. Ursula, the only one not sentenced to exile and therefore free to travel, distributed the first clandestine copies of the ‘Manifesto’ and stimulated debate.
Following the murder of Colorni by a Nazi-Fascist gang during the Resistance, Ursula became the partner and later the wife of Altiero Spinelli (their daughter, Eva, married Amartya Sen, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics). They shared ideas, political passions, generous visions of the future and a strong sense of cultural and civic responsibility. Ursula herself was the driving force behind the group ‘Femmes pour l’Europe’ for years, which was particularly active on issues of rights and political commitment to institutional renewal.
Remembering Ursula Hirschmann and reconsidering the Ventotene Manifesto (which is very topical, as President Sergio Mattarella also noted, despite the schematics linked to the historical context in which it was drafted) raises a fundamental question today: how can we involve women, especially the younger generations, as much as possible in the debate on the renewal and revitalisation of European institutions, making use of their intelligence, creativity and ability to manage complexity?
And this is a key point: making history and remembering the ‘mothers of Europe’ can provide strong foundations for the role of women in current European institutions.
We should talk about the political ideas of Anna Kuliscioff and her humanitarian socialism, as well as those of Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt and Sophie Scholl, who openly challenged Nazism through the group ‘The White Rose’. Remember Maria De Unterrichter Jervolino, the most active of the 21 women elected to the Italian Constituent Assembly in 1946, who championed women’s causes, education, and European unity. And recall that there have been many great women at the top of EU institutions and the most committed national governments throughout European history. Consider Louise Weiss, who opened the first sitting of the European Parliament in 1979 by speaking about peace, and Simone Weil, the president of that Parliament. Remember Sofia Corradi, the inventor of Erasmus, who taught millions of young people how to be and feel ‘European’ by attending shared educational programmes. Finally, we come to current events involving Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola, and Christine Lagarde at the ECB, and the figure of Emma Bonino remains highly relevant. Women in national governments, such as Angela Merkel in Germany for a long time and Giorgia Meloni in Italy today, have played a significant role in upholding Europe’s democratic values and principles, as well as its Atlantic alliances.
However, the discourse on Europe’s recovery is broader than the presence of women at the top of the EU. Above all, there must be a commitment to discussing how to actively utilise the soft power of women within the process of relaunching new ideas, languages, cultures of rights and responsibilities, horizons and reforms of participation and governance.
It is precisely this soft power that has special characteristics compared to the theories of Joseph Nye that have been applied to international relations for a good deal of time with a good degree of success. If culture, dialogue, confrontation and respect for diversity are strong values typical of democracies, they must be made available in international political confrontations.
Women’s soft power is sensitive to the ability to ‘take charge’ and the value of ‘care’. A soft power stemming from a civil and circular economy. A ‘generative economy’ and sustainable soft power. Soft power stemming from community values. This is quite the opposite of the aggressive, militarised, Darwinian and narcissistic politics that unfortunately dominate the contemporary world stage. We have written several times in this blog about the failures of narcissism, which is a myth of vanity, loneliness, impotence and death.
And then there were Martha Nussbaum‘s ideas on capabilities, namely the need to leverage education, health and a dignified quality of life. And the implications of a demographic that draws inspiration from the conditions of sustainable development and not from the primacy of the financial and technological power of finance and Big Tech. A more feminine Europe would be more attentive to people, not only in terms of gender differences and values, but also in terms of caring for the quality of life, the future, the environment, cities and the family in its various historically assumed forms. These are cross-cutting topics on which literature, economic approaches and basic culture have women as key interlocutors. This is also because women use words such as kindness, love, attention, affection, understanding, dialogue, solidarity and recognition of the other more frequently and with greater relevance than the traditional male relationship lexicon. They have the tools to try to reform politics as the science and government of the city-state.
In short, I would like to give examples from everyday life and demonstrate the civil and personal qualities of Italian women. They have now broken through the ‘glass ceiling’ (although there is still much to be done), and they are more responsible, attentive and active in their professional lives than ever before. They preside over courts and universities, hold governmental, administrative and political responsibilities, lead companies (including large ones), direct and edit prestigious national newspapers and periodicals, manage important publishing houses, organise theatres and hold delicate public offices. They have also presided over RAI and other television and film institutions. They are scientists and researchers of international standing and have considerable influence in professional, intellectual and public spheres, competently and rigorously contributing to all major topics of public discourse. They read widely and write well, with original language and a deep focus on balanced judgement. Their gaze is competent, profound and ‘light’ (they are the best heirs of Italo Calvino) and is partly estranged from the traditional stylistic trappings of male power. They are sensitive to the relationships between economic issues and their social and personal repercussions. It is this gaze that serves to restore depth and humanity to Europe, and to guide the new generation of 20- and 30-year-olds between university and entry into the world of work.
There is a legacy to take in hand: Aldo Moro‘s final speech in parliament on 28 February 1978, a few days before he was kidnapped and killed by the Red Brigades. In it, he said: ‘ This country will not be saved; the season of rights and freedoms will prove ephemeral unless a new sense of duty is born’.
It is one of the finest examples of public discourse not only of the ‘leaden’ 1970s, but of the entire history of the Republic. Today, it must be reread with fresh eyes, especially by young people, who must study and delve into our history lucidly and critically. They should also bear in mind the lessons of two great women from that time: Tina Anselmi, a Christian Democrat and follower of Moro who was the first female minister in the history of the Republic, and Nilde Jotti, a Communist and the first long-serving president of the Chamber of Deputies.
Like all elders, I watch, remember and think about my grandchildren. I think about my granddaughters, Iolanda, Olivia and Sveva, (and yes, you too, little Emilio, before you say, ‘What about me?’). Not only do I think about them with tenderness, but I also feel a strong sense of responsibility towards them. What kind of democratic and civilised Europe are we creating for them, even with our ancient yet skilful hands?
There is an obstacle to overcome in order for this female contribution to have political agility and the necessary conditions to be realised: the gender gap. The choices to be made concern policies for birth, work, services and participation — good civil government.
The best newspapers have been writing about this issue for some time, but political, government and public investment decisions do not pay sufficient attention to it.
One recent survey in particular focuses on the status of women and was published in Il Quotidiano Nazionale (La Nazione, Il Resto del Carlino, Il Giorno) on 19 December, based on data from the University of Padua. The title is exemplary: Italy ‘is no country for mothers’. It documents how, in 2024, the number of births reached an all-time low of just under 370,000 and how, in 2025, this figure fell further still, with the average age at childbirth rising to 32.6 years. It also notes that ‘45.4% of women between the ages of 18 and 49 are childless’. And while motherhood is a right, not an obligation, and the absence of children should not be a social stigma, this data is heavily influenced by general working conditions, wages, services, and housing costs.
Other figures on gender inequality in the workplace show that 68.9% of women without children are employed, compared to 65.6% of mothers with one child and 60.1% of mothers with two or more children.
This is therefore a demographic issue with strong political implications. It also has discriminatory effects, contrary to the dictates of the Constitution. This issue must be addressed quickly.
The road leads back to Europe and the necessary empowerment of women. Next Generation EU, the largest European fund for growth, training and quality of life, has only partially met the expectations for which it was conceived, desired and financed by Parliament, with the EU Commission raising the necessary funds on the markets. Looking to the future, we need a stronger, more determined female voice. A more human one.
(Photo Getty Images)
‘Europe will be forged by crises and will be the sum of the solutions adopted for those crises’, said Jean Monnet, one of the fathers of European unity and High Commissioner for the Coal and Steel Community. It was from this institution that all the others, from the Common Market to the European Union, the European Parliament and the ECB and the euro, would later emerge, crisis after crisis. At a time when the EU is in danger of being crushed by the aggressive actions and confrontations of the world’s ‘great powers’ (primarily the US and China, but also Russia), it is worth remembering the figure of Monnet and the pragmatic yet visionary approach of the other heads of state and government who established Europe (Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman and Spaak, to name a few, followed by Mitterrand, Kohl, Delors and many more). This is precisely why we must not lose sight of the importance of a common policy on security and defence, energy, innovation, industry, scientific and technological research, and artificial intelligence. We have discussed this in recent blog posts, even speculating about the potential involvement of Mario Draghi.
But perhaps the response to the crisis and the opportunity to be seized are not only institutional, political, industrial and financial, although these are nonetheless essential. A cultural and social shift is also necessary, as with all true voyages of discovery.
Above all, we need a fresh pair of eyes. To rethink Europe, to find answers to the fractures and risks, to ‘mend’ the tears and improve the balance. We need the vision of women. And that of the younger generations.
Let’s try an unconventional approach that is different, but not an alternative, to the institutional one. We need to rebuild and relaunch strong values and ideas for a better future. Let’s start with a seemingly minor figure in the great history of Europe: Ursula Hirschmann.
She came from a wealthy German-Jewish family of great intellectual depth (her brother, Albert, would soon become one of Europe’s leading economists). Ursula found herself joining her husband, Eugenio Colorni, and two other anti-fascist friends, Altiero Spinelli, Ernesto Rossi and Rossi’s wife, Ada, in exile on the island of Ventotene. In those terrible final years of the 1930s, they were passionate about the idea of a new Europe.
Their discussions resulted in the ‘Ventotene Manifesto’, which had a significant impact, stimulating political awareness and the desire for change in the following years, right up to the present day. Ursula, the only one not sentenced to exile and therefore free to travel, distributed the first clandestine copies of the ‘Manifesto’ and stimulated debate.
Following the murder of Colorni by a Nazi-Fascist gang during the Resistance, Ursula became the partner and later the wife of Altiero Spinelli (their daughter, Eva, married Amartya Sen, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics). They shared ideas, political passions, generous visions of the future and a strong sense of cultural and civic responsibility. Ursula herself was the driving force behind the group ‘Femmes pour l’Europe’ for years, which was particularly active on issues of rights and political commitment to institutional renewal.
Remembering Ursula Hirschmann and reconsidering the Ventotene Manifesto (which is very topical, as President Sergio Mattarella also noted, despite the schematics linked to the historical context in which it was drafted) raises a fundamental question today: how can we involve women, especially the younger generations, as much as possible in the debate on the renewal and revitalisation of European institutions, making use of their intelligence, creativity and ability to manage complexity?
And this is a key point: making history and remembering the ‘mothers of Europe’ can provide strong foundations for the role of women in current European institutions.
We should talk about the political ideas of Anna Kuliscioff and her humanitarian socialism, as well as those of Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt and Sophie Scholl, who openly challenged Nazism through the group ‘The White Rose’. Remember Maria De Unterrichter Jervolino, the most active of the 21 women elected to the Italian Constituent Assembly in 1946, who championed women’s causes, education, and European unity. And recall that there have been many great women at the top of EU institutions and the most committed national governments throughout European history. Consider Louise Weiss, who opened the first sitting of the European Parliament in 1979 by speaking about peace, and Simone Weil, the president of that Parliament. Remember Sofia Corradi, the inventor of Erasmus, who taught millions of young people how to be and feel ‘European’ by attending shared educational programmes. Finally, we come to current events involving Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola, and Christine Lagarde at the ECB, and the figure of Emma Bonino remains highly relevant. Women in national governments, such as Angela Merkel in Germany for a long time and Giorgia Meloni in Italy today, have played a significant role in upholding Europe’s democratic values and principles, as well as its Atlantic alliances.
However, the discourse on Europe’s recovery is broader than the presence of women at the top of the EU. Above all, there must be a commitment to discussing how to actively utilise the soft power of women within the process of relaunching new ideas, languages, cultures of rights and responsibilities, horizons and reforms of participation and governance.
It is precisely this soft power that has special characteristics compared to the theories of Joseph Nye that have been applied to international relations for a good deal of time with a good degree of success. If culture, dialogue, confrontation and respect for diversity are strong values typical of democracies, they must be made available in international political confrontations.
Women’s soft power is sensitive to the ability to ‘take charge’ and the value of ‘care’. A soft power stemming from a civil and circular economy. A ‘generative economy’ and sustainable soft power. Soft power stemming from community values. This is quite the opposite of the aggressive, militarised, Darwinian and narcissistic politics that unfortunately dominate the contemporary world stage. We have written several times in this blog about the failures of narcissism, which is a myth of vanity, loneliness, impotence and death.
And then there were Martha Nussbaum‘s ideas on capabilities, namely the need to leverage education, health and a dignified quality of life. And the implications of a demographic that draws inspiration from the conditions of sustainable development and not from the primacy of the financial and technological power of finance and Big Tech. A more feminine Europe would be more attentive to people, not only in terms of gender differences and values, but also in terms of caring for the quality of life, the future, the environment, cities and the family in its various historically assumed forms. These are cross-cutting topics on which literature, economic approaches and basic culture have women as key interlocutors. This is also because women use words such as kindness, love, attention, affection, understanding, dialogue, solidarity and recognition of the other more frequently and with greater relevance than the traditional male relationship lexicon. They have the tools to try to reform politics as the science and government of the city-state.
In short, I would like to give examples from everyday life and demonstrate the civil and personal qualities of Italian women. They have now broken through the ‘glass ceiling’ (although there is still much to be done), and they are more responsible, attentive and active in their professional lives than ever before. They preside over courts and universities, hold governmental, administrative and political responsibilities, lead companies (including large ones), direct and edit prestigious national newspapers and periodicals, manage important publishing houses, organise theatres and hold delicate public offices. They have also presided over RAI and other television and film institutions. They are scientists and researchers of international standing and have considerable influence in professional, intellectual and public spheres, competently and rigorously contributing to all major topics of public discourse. They read widely and write well, with original language and a deep focus on balanced judgement. Their gaze is competent, profound and ‘light’ (they are the best heirs of Italo Calvino) and is partly estranged from the traditional stylistic trappings of male power. They are sensitive to the relationships between economic issues and their social and personal repercussions. It is this gaze that serves to restore depth and humanity to Europe, and to guide the new generation of 20- and 30-year-olds between university and entry into the world of work.
There is a legacy to take in hand: Aldo Moro‘s final speech in parliament on 28 February 1978, a few days before he was kidnapped and killed by the Red Brigades. In it, he said: ‘ This country will not be saved; the season of rights and freedoms will prove ephemeral unless a new sense of duty is born’.
It is one of the finest examples of public discourse not only of the ‘leaden’ 1970s, but of the entire history of the Republic. Today, it must be reread with fresh eyes, especially by young people, who must study and delve into our history lucidly and critically. They should also bear in mind the lessons of two great women from that time: Tina Anselmi, a Christian Democrat and follower of Moro who was the first female minister in the history of the Republic, and Nilde Jotti, a Communist and the first long-serving president of the Chamber of Deputies.
Like all elders, I watch, remember and think about my grandchildren. I think about my granddaughters, Iolanda, Olivia and Sveva, (and yes, you too, little Emilio, before you say, ‘What about me?’). Not only do I think about them with tenderness, but I also feel a strong sense of responsibility towards them. What kind of democratic and civilised Europe are we creating for them, even with our ancient yet skilful hands?
There is an obstacle to overcome in order for this female contribution to have political agility and the necessary conditions to be realised: the gender gap. The choices to be made concern policies for birth, work, services and participation — good civil government.
The best newspapers have been writing about this issue for some time, but political, government and public investment decisions do not pay sufficient attention to it.
One recent survey in particular focuses on the status of women and was published in Il Quotidiano Nazionale (La Nazione, Il Resto del Carlino, Il Giorno) on 19 December, based on data from the University of Padua. The title is exemplary: Italy ‘is no country for mothers’. It documents how, in 2024, the number of births reached an all-time low of just under 370,000 and how, in 2025, this figure fell further still, with the average age at childbirth rising to 32.6 years. It also notes that ‘45.4% of women between the ages of 18 and 49 are childless’. And while motherhood is a right, not an obligation, and the absence of children should not be a social stigma, this data is heavily influenced by general working conditions, wages, services, and housing costs.
Other figures on gender inequality in the workplace show that 68.9% of women without children are employed, compared to 65.6% of mothers with one child and 60.1% of mothers with two or more children.
This is therefore a demographic issue with strong political implications. It also has discriminatory effects, contrary to the dictates of the Constitution. This issue must be addressed quickly.
The road leads back to Europe and the necessary empowerment of women. Next Generation EU, the largest European fund for growth, training and quality of life, has only partially met the expectations for which it was conceived, desired and financed by Parliament, with the EU Commission raising the necessary funds on the markets. Looking to the future, we need a stronger, more determined female voice. A more human one.
(Photo Getty Images)